started the night they moved into thernhousing project; BB gun pellets shotrnthrough windows, firecrackers hurled intornthe house, and a perpetual poundingrnon the door by thugs camped out onrntheir doorstep. For months they enduredrnrobberies, attacks on their children, andrnnightly assaults on their home, untilrnHUD, in the words of one bureaucrat, finallyrndecided that “it’s become real clearrnto us that their lives are in danger.” ThernIraqis were moved out, and put up at thernHoliday Inn. Asked why he thought hernand his fellow Iraqis had been singledrnout for harassment, Hussan Al-Barakatrnspoke hesitantly, in his broken English, asrnif bewildered by the stark contrast ofrnAmerica as he imagined it and the realityrnof Double Rock; “Maybe I mistaken,rnbut I think they want black family here.”rnLiberals of all races will one day regretrnconciliating or even tolerating blackrnracism, for this is a movement with nationalrnscope—and growing power. SonnyrnCarson has made a career out of hisrncrusade to drive all Koreans out of New-rnYork City, and the Rodney King uprisingrnin Los Angeles saw Koreans once againrnbear the brunt. In his infamous Houstonrnspeech, Pat Buchanan paid tribute tornthem for valiantly (and hopelessly) defendingrntheir community from rampagingrnlooters during the Los Angeles riots.rnThe media lambasted Buchanan for hisrn”racism,” but the real story is that Pat wasrnspeaking out against racism—blackrnracism. (The irony is that he was holdingrnup these immigrant Koreans as modelsrnof Americanism, against the thuggish examplernof their native-born tormentors.)rnBlack hatred of whites, and of Asiansrnof all denominations, is the grisly andrnfrightening secret at the heart of Americanrnrace relations, the Hate That DaresrnNot Speak Its Name. Black racism hasrnbeen relegated to the fringe by liberalrnelites in government and the media, supposedh’rnconfined to the likes of Carson,rnLouis Farrakhan, and the black fringe.rnBut the O. J. Simpson trial forced us tornconfront it as a mass phenomenon—stillrnwithout naming it.rnThe left’s riposte to conservatives whorncondemn affirmative action as racism inrnaction is to deny that blacks (or otherrn”powerless” oppressed minorities) arerneven capable of racism, since they lackrneconomic and political clout. But in therncase of Double Rock, blacks do have thernpower: to intimidate and physically assaultrnAsians and others with the wrongrnskin color. They are so powerful, in fact,rnthat an armed gang of black racists facedrndown a federal agency and won withoutrnfiring a shot—which is more than RandyrnWeaver or the Branch Davidians can say.rnJustin Raimondo writes from San Francisco,rnCalifornia.rnLetter FromrnBritainrnby Christie DaviesrnWhere EuroregulationrnMeets SocialismrnJohn Major lost the British election inrn1997 not because Tony Blair’s “New”rnLabour Party had stolen the Conservatives’rnpolicies but because the Conservativesrnadopted socialist ones. The last tenrnyears have seen an explosive rise in levelsrnof bureaucratic regulation in Britain,rnwhich have particularly hit small businessrnand also professional people, especiallyrnthose working in the public sector.rnThese groups may be considered a Conservativerngovernment’s natural supporters,rnbut many of their members will havernvoted for the Labour or Liberal Democratrnparties out of sheer frustration.rnIt is impossible to find good NationalrnHealth Service (Britain’s system of socializedrnmedicine) dentists any more becausernthey have all gone private to avoidrna system that insists on the provision andrnjustification of a detailed treatment planrnfor each patient. As my own, now privaterndentist put it: “I came into the professionrnto look after patients’ teeth, not to fill inrnforms.” For exactly the same reasonsrnmany able and experienced schoolteachersrnhave taken early retirementrnto be replaced by semiliterate youngrndullards who cannot teach but who lovernstaff meetings. Everyone is tied up in therncreation of paper trails for a distant centralizedrninspectorate that does not understandrnthe old proverb, “If it ain’trnbroke, don’t fix it.” When a local doctorrn(a general practitioner) retires it is difficultrnto find a replacement, even thoughrnthe job pays well and is rightly held inrnhigh esteem. Who wants to shuffle doe-rnTELOSrnA Quarterly Journal ofrnCritical ThoughtrnDoes it still make sense to talk about I^firnand Riiiht? What remaim of the cotnnmnistrnproject after t/ie collapse of the SovietrnEmpire? Has collAtivisin become officialrnliberal iJeolofp”.’ What is the impact ofrnfeminism, cwti-raci%m and miilticultwvlismrnon American frucliiions? What hasrnhappened to the American Right after itsrnanti-communist ideohv^- became obsolete’/rnAre palco-conservativcs and neoconservaiivesrnon the same political side?rnll’luii does it mean to he a conservativerntoday’.’ What remaim of American partic-rnI u/amm in tlie age of globalization? Is therncri.’.is of conservatism hut another versionrnof the crisis of liberalism?rnThese questions Jtf Jv.’ti,ii^’i.l in llie pagesrnof Telos by independent scholars unafraidrnto challenge various ideological establishments.rnRecent issues have re-examinedrnthe meaning of American federalism, thernpopulist legacy, the resurgence of nationalism,rnseparatism, etc. Futare issues willrndeal with the crisis of European Unification,rnthe collapse of American education,rnthe disintegration of “humanism” and thernpossibility of religious alternatives.rnNumber I OHrnSpecial Issue on:rnRacism, Mutticultiiralism andrnGloh^izationrnAdam: Anti-Semitism and RacismrnSniegoski: Lester Frank WardrnPels: Strange StandpointsrnMichael: Making a StandrnKarnoouh: On Drugs and Society?rnDe Benoist: On GlobalizationrnHunt: Wc lirst Peoples and QuebecrnCombe: French Historical ResearchrnPickstiick: Capitalism or Secularism?rnWeifierski: Canadiiin Conscr’atismrnMurray: On Afl’imiative ActionrnGottfried: Post-1989 Socialism?rnSubscriptions include 4 issues perrnyear and cost $40 for individuals andrn$95 for institutions. Foreign andrnCanadian orders add 15% for extrarnpostage. Checks must be in US funds.rnBack issues cost $14 each ($30 forrninstitutions). For subscriptions, backrnissues or information, write:rnTelos Pre.479fax: 2I2-22H-6i79rne-mail: telospressfJ.uol.comrnNOVEMBER 1997/35rnrnrn