pleted that a future generation’s opportunities are dimmed foreverrnby the need to pay for its grandparents’ profligacy. Onlyrnthe President can be expected to hold that perspective on arncontinuing basis, even if it is onlv sporadically acted upon.rnQuite apart from the nation’s moral obligations to the future,rna Roman-style line item veto essentially allows the democraticrnprocess to work its will. During times when Congress isrnsufficiently organized and courageous to keep national spendingrnwithin constitutionally permitted bounds (e.g., debt interestrnkept below 3.5 percent of GDP), there is no shift in powerrnbetween the executive and legislature. Only when congressionalrnappropriations have so far exceeded federal income as tornhit the 3.5 percent trip wire and create a constitutionally definedrnthreat to the nation’s continuing economic health wouldrncongressional power be temporarily diminished. Under suchrncircumstances, it is self-evident that Congress has proved itselfrninadequate to the task of fiscal self-discipline, and only thenrnwould the proposed line item veto come into play.rnIn the unhappy event that both the occupant of the WhiternHouse and Congress are lacking in the necessary clarity ofrnpurpose or moral courage, then nothing will be done unlessrnand until the electorate changes the equation. In this regard,rnresponsibilities will be clearly affixed, even as the runawayrnspending train continues to careen down the tracks of immediaterngratification—damaging both the present and futurernprospects of the nation. Jefferson regarded the wisdom of thernpeople as the last great repository of power. The electorate’srnright to select its leaders constitutes the final line of defense,rnand clarity of accountability will assist that corrective impulse.rnOur constitutional system has met many crises for the past tworncenturies and weathered many storms; our self-corrective structurernhas proved adaptable in the past. This flexibility shouldrnonce again be nurtured.rnObscuring the issues, and hence accountability, is the fiscalrnsinner’s most intimate ally when he is back home on the politicalrnhustings. As things stand now, the issue of who causedrna fiscal mess is “complexified” bevond any utility in the electoralrnprocess. You know the cant. We are told that no Presidentrnhas sent up a balanced budget for the past 12 years. And, afterrnall, Congress actually spent less than the President wantedrnon this or that program. Or, Reagan caused the crisis becausernhe spent it all on the Cold War and cut taxes in the balance.rnOr, Bush raised taxes and stalled growth—otherwise therernwould be no deficit. Or, Congress only responds to the feltrnneeds of the long-suffering people, and Clinton-Gore werernmandated to change. Many other villains are used to obscurernblame, such as PAC money, the congressional committee system,rnspecial interest groups, the revolving door, the Federal ReservernBoard, the “system,” urban mayors, or the Japanese—pickrnany one. Pick any three. The Roman-style line item vetornwould eliminate the straw villains and point the blame at thernfiscally irresponsible culprits who put constituent gratificationrnabove the national interest. Hence a Roman-style line itemrnveto would add great clarity to blame-affixing.rnPosit for a moment what would be the political dynamics ofrn1993 if the “new” Democrat sitting in the White Housernpresently held a line item veto power ]5ursuant to the periodicityrnproposal outlined in this article. Imagine the amount ofrnpressure coming from the Republican and Perot camps (57 percentrnof the electorate) for the President to undertake thernstatesman-like posture of bringing about fiscal change throughrnuse of the line item veto, which would be the Constitution’srnbright-line test of leadership. Failure to use the veto would attachrnto the occupant of the White House the label of a “donothing”rnPresident with no regard for the future and would castrnhis reelection (perhaps even renomination) prospects into seriousrndoubt.rnSamuel Johnson observed to James Boswell that the prospectrnof hanging at dawn tended wonderfully to concentrate thernmind. So, too, the 3.5 percent benchmark, once embedded inrnthe Constitution, could wonderfully concentrate the minds ofrnfuture Presidents. It is exactly this sort of “ancillary precaution”rnof which Madison spoke. It deserves enactment.rnFirstrnby Lauiance WiedeirnJust being, being born, just crossingrnFrom the wings however long, is praise.rnOn stage I thought, spoke, sung, alone, beforernA hall packed by an audience of one.rnPractice made us help and hope for heaven.rnTime and all that’s in them keep the weak.rnBent, put-upon alive to promises like justice.rnPart the curtain. Nations slip out between phrasesrnOn the coral lips of oceans breaking over reefs.rnEarth square and settled under winter rain.rn24/CHRONICLESrnrnrn