Aliens and thenAlienatednby William R. HawkinsnThe Great Red HopenAmerican leftists today yearn for anmore receptive proletariat. Theynhave virtually given up on the whitenworking class, which they feel has beennsubverted by bourgeois values and thenconsumer society. Instead they haventurned towards people of non-Europeannstock to build a new base. Thenanti-Western “multiculturalism” thatnhas become so controversial at universitiesnacross the country cannot be separatednfrom the grass-roots activism seekingnto hold together nonwhite racialnvoting blocs and to open America’snborders to Third Worid immigrants.nPaul Buhle, a Marxist who favorsnmore immigration, explained in hisnbook Marxism in the V.S.A. (1987)nwhy the past use of this strategy makesnit so appealing today:nThe [Communist] Partynencouraged the uncertainnrelationship between revolutionarynpolitics and ethnicnculture, providing thenimmigrants with essentialnservices: labor defense,npropaganda, English-languagenspokesmen and organizationalncontacts. The groups in returnngave the bulk of funds for thenParty’s operation, producedn56/CHRONICLESnenthusiastic crowds, and formednan authentic radical proletariat.nAnd by the thousands thesenimmigrants proved doggedlynloyal, unlike the Americannrecruits.nBuhle envisions Latin American liberationntheology as the means to returnncommunism to its chiliastic roots. Thencollapse of secular socialism has beennoffset by the “rise of religious-basednsupport groups for international revolution.”nAgain, the failure of the Americannworking class to embrace revolutionnleads to a frightening solution: the racialnand religious liquidation of the undeservingnnative proletariat. “Immigrationnpatterns to the United States have alteredndrastically from the very geographicalndirection of the new revolutionarynfaith,” notes Buhle. “At thenpresent rate, in less than a century,nmore than half of the U.S. populationnwill be of Caribbean Basin origin. Unlikenthe European immigrants, theirnradicalism is based not in the secular leftnbut in the Church.”nIn Prisoners of the American Dreamn(1985) Mike Davis, another Marxistntheoretician, foresees an alliance ofnnonwhite Americans and Third Worldnrevolutionaries, all taking their marchingnorders from white Leninists likenhimself To be sure, the dream of anblack “vanguard” is not new; it wasnpopular in both Old and New Leftncircles during the I960’s. But the risenin America’s Hispanic population (discoverednin the late 1970’s and thensubject of intense political battles overnimmigration reform since the earlyn1980’s) has given it a fresh twist: then”real weak link in the domestic base ofnAmerican imperialism,” Davis claims,n”is a black and Hispanic working class,nfifty million strong. This is the nationnwithin a nation, society within a society,nthat alone possesses the numericalnand positional strength to underminenthe American empire from within.”nSocialism can be brought to the U.S.n”by virtue of a combined hemisphericnprocess of revolt that overlaps boundariesnand interlaces movements.”nWhen Marxist professor James D.nCockcroft of Rutgers said that “Americanndemocracy may well be the ultimatendomino,” in his book on immigratiorinpolicy Outlaws in the PromisednLand (1986), he uses the reverse logicnnnfor which leftists are so well-known. Henargues thatnsince Vietnam, this societynhas displayed a deepeningn”anti-communist,” racist,nnativist, and class-biasedncharacter in its treatmentnof immigrants and in itsnimmigration policy. … It hasnalso experienced a wave ofnlegislative, administrative, andncourt decisions that may curtailnthe basic civil rights of not onlynimmigrants but of all U.S.ncitizens.nHis examples include such dangers asnallowing the police more discretion innquestioning suspects and submitting evidence.nHe denounces in general termsn”the dangerously open-ended groundsnof ‘over-riding considerations of publicnsafety.'” He also dismisses measuresnprompted by “national security” andnthe specter of terrorism. “These proposednlaws could make it illegal tonprotest U.S. government policy anywhere.”nHe voices a special concern fornthe fate of “anti-interventionist and antinuclearngroups.” But Cockcroft seesnhelp on the way:nThe emergence of a Latinonminority outnumberingnAmerican blacks and thenlikelihood of its rapid growthnduring the spread of turmoil innLatin America adds to an evernmore assertive bloc of votersnanxious to affect national andnforeign policies in ways notnnecessarily compatible with thengoals of recent Presidents andnthe transnational corporations.nIt is the aim of these radicals tonincrease the level of conflict as much asnpossible; to kick over the “melting pot”nthat has served in the past to transform an”nation of immigrants” into the UnitednStates. Neoconservative advocates ofnincreased immigration want to givenpreference to professionals, skillednworkers, anticommunist refugees, andnEuropeans (a step in this directionnhaving been taken by the 1990 Kennedy-Simpsonnbill) who, they say, willnbenefit the country. Leftist advocates ofnan open border hope to build a largernunderclass of alienated anti-Westernnproletarians from the mass of unskillednand half-literate illegals who fill sweat-n