al Assembly to hand over the state to anbrutal but effective military dictatorship.n(The Tupamaros’ first triumph was thenmurder of US advisor Dan Mitrione, annact glorified in Costa-Gavras’s movienState of Siege.)nIn the 1970’s many people believednthat the Red Brigades and their extraparliamentarynallies were going to have,nthe same success in Italy. VittorfranconPisano surveys the carnage wrought innItaly from 1969 to 1986 in a clearlynorganized and detailed book which isnsupplemented by appendices outliningnthe major terrorist acts, grouped tonclarify their social and political intent.nThis is an excellent textbook for anyonenstudying one of the most impressivenattempts in recent history to overthrowna democracy. Pisano nevernmakes it clear to me, however, why thenRed Brigades did not succeed. With allnhis accuracy and clarity of presentahon,na picture of the dynamics ofnItalian terrorism as promised in the titlenis precisely what I find lacking in hisnaccount.nOne significant factor was the attitudenof educated Italians. Even thenmost intelligent bought bizarre leftistntracts and boasted in their cups, “I’mnnot just a Communist; I’m a Stalinist.”nThe fascist origin of all political violencenin Italy is certain, but Pisanonpoints out that all the trials, appellatenproceedings, and retrials of the past 20nyears have not established the fascistnorigin of the worst atrocities attributednto the right, including the bank explosionnof 1969 in Milan’s Piazza Fontanan(16 dead), and the bombing of thenBologna train station in 1980 (85ndead).nThat Italy was on the verge of anright-wing coup was the communisnopinio in the early 70’s. When millionairenGiangi Feltrinelli blew himself upnwith one of his own bombs in March ofn1972, it was all but universally believednthat he was killed by fascists (or thenCIA) as an act of provocation. Notnuntil the Red Brigade leaders proclaimednhis glorious death in open trialndid the intelligentsia concede that Feltrinellinhad been financing the wildestnand most violent leftist schemes.nAbsurd and tragic tales abound.nLeftists set fire to the apartment of anright-wing labor leader in Primavalle innRome in 1973. His children werenhome, and one did not escape. Then32/CHRONICLESnRome papers were full of horrific picturesnof the small child at a window,nscreaming helplessly. The next day thenpopular Communist daily Paese Seranproclaimed that the atrocity had beenncommitted by the right as an act ofnprovocation, and this became the acceptednbelief of the bien pensants. Thenperpetrators of the crime fled to Sweden.nThe Italian novelist Alberto Moraviansent a telegram to the Swedishnauthorities, urging them to ignore thenItalian extradition request, because thensuspects were “unjustly accused.” Thenmills of Italian justice grind slowly, andnit was just this past year that the courtnhanded down its final decision. Therenis no reasonable doubt that the twonleftists were guilty, nor any seriousnevidence for “provocahon.”nThe atmosphere in which otherwisenrational people could believe that rightwingersnburn their own children alivento provoke military coups — in Italy ofnall countries!—was the backgroundnfor the rise of the Red Brigades andntheir allies. Italian intellectuals and thenItalian press continued to support themnactively, or at least turned a deaf ear tonoverwhelming proof of leftist violencenintended to destroy the Italian democracy.nThose who spoke out suffered thenconsequences. When world-renownednauthor Luigi Barzini told the truthnabout his stepson, Giangi Feltrinelli, henwas reviled, and an attempt to makenhim editor of the Rome newspapernMessagero was blocked. Indro Montanellinis Italy’s most popular author, ancombination of Bill Buckley and WillnDurant. He walked out of Italy’s mostnprestigious newspaper, Corriere deltanSera, because of leftist cover-ups, andnfounded his own, II Giornale Nuovo.nFor much of the 70’s, to be seennreading it was to be thought some kindnof a nut.nItalian public opinion did change,nhowever. Part of it was the continuingnseries of murders and knee-cappings,nranging from labor leaders to Montanellinhimself, Then in 1978 came thenkidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro,npresident of the largest Italian party,nthe Christian Democrats. The RednBrigadists began to talk, partly in defiance,nmore as pentiti, the penitents.nWhy this happened is not clear. Mynown memories of 1979 have manynmore of the terrorists fighting to thennndeath than had happened earlier. It wasnmy deduction not that the Red Brigades’npolicy had changed, but that thenpolice had decided or were under ordersnto stop taking so many prisoners.nWhatever the reason, by late 1979 thenfirst of the major pentiti had startedntalking.n1=^’nThat was not the end, of course.nThe attempted assassination of thenPope in 1981, and the massacre in thenRome airport of December 1985,nshow that the terrorist left is still alivenand kicking. Things have improved,nhowever. Fewer people died in 1986 asna result of political violence in Italy •nthan in any year since 1968. There arenmany reasons, including the growingnfirmness of the Italian government.nBettino Craxi has led the Italian SocialistnParty away from its long dalliancenwith the Communists, providing thenbasis for a democratic left. There is nonsimple picture, however. Craxi wasnresponsible for allowing the planner ofnthe Achille Lauro atrocity to escape.nThe,decision brought down his government,nand his reward was the Romenairport massacre. There are still manynunanswered questions. Pisano providesnfascinating evidence that Aldo Moronmay have been held in the Czechnembassy in Rome. The first journalistnto formulate a Czech connection innthe Moro case was murdered in 1979nunder circumstances that have not yetnbeen explained.nThe rats of international terrorismnare still hiding in the walls, biding theirntime, ready to emerge again at any signnof weakness. This Jacques Chirac discoverednin the fall of 1986. There is nonexcuse for any constitutional governmentnto go the way of Uruguay. ThenItalian political class has much to learn,nand the knee-capping of Indro Montanellinand the murder of Aldo Moronwere only two lessons out of hundreds.nThey are learning, however, a lessonnthat neither they nor we can afford tonforget.nE. Christian Kopff is professor ofnclassics at the University of Coloradonin Boulder.n