speak for the defense, was so insulted by the judges henwithdrew from the case. Both the tribunal and the press—nand Congress—sought to prove the vanquished Confederacynguilty of the plot. In the end of a proceeding managedneven worse than the Soviets later exhibited, two men andnMrs. Surrat were hanged, three sentenced to life at hardnlabor, one to six years.nIn a climate where such a trial was considered legal, thenAbolitionists (renamed Radical Republicans to maintainntheir historic reputations) launched their campaign to haventhe South “reconstructed.” Led by Thaddeus Stevens, anfanatical racist in the name of antiracism, this factionnsought to force President Johnson to agree.nFailing to do this by ordinary political suasion, thenrevolutionists (for this is what they were), enacted thenTenure in Office Bill, which forbade the President, acting asnchief executive, to dismiss any officer of the executivenbranch whose appointment had been made with the consentnof the Senate. Such a bill needed, of course, a Cabinetnofficer to collude with the revolution; this proved to benSecretary of War Stanton.nThe Abolitionist-revolutionists knew, of course, that thentenure bill would go to the Supreme Court, and theynenacted another bill making it mandatory that any constitutionalnruling of the Court be by a two-thirds majority.nThen, with Stanton primed and the Court threatened, the}nmoved through agitators, demonstrators, the New Englandnand the New York press, through the Methodist Churchnand others, to demand reconstruction in the name ofnexpanding constitutional rights.nIn due course Johnson, as planned, discovered Stanton’snduplicity and dismissed him. Stanton appealed to thenSenate, which declared the President had no authority tontake such a step without its permission. Stanton thennbarricaded himself in the War Department, and the revolutionistsnproceeded to draw up a bill of particulars against thenPresident, around which Congress voted for impeachment.nWhile Johnson held fast, the Senate canvassed for votes.nWaverers and supporters of the President were placed undernheavy pressure; detectives trailed the uncertain, seekingnevidence of misdoing by which they could be pressured,nbribes were offered, threats brandished.nAlthough hired demonstrators appeared, the mass of thenpeople were not greatiy excited. It was a press sensation, andna political one—but the average American did not seemnexcited. Horace Greeley, ardent for revolution, was amusednat a Cooper Union meeting of those opposed to thenimpeachment. “They know very well,” he wrote, “thatnWall Street and Fifth Avenue are not with them.” This was,nin other words, a struggle among the highly placed—anstruggle the average man did not understand. As HomernnnDECEMBER 19871 25n