recent years how campaigns such as the antinuclear movement,nmuch of the opposition to American pohcy innCentral America, the movement to weaken the CIA andnFBI, and opposition to virtually every new weapons systemnproposed by the Defense Department have been led bynpersons and groups whose attitude toward Communism andnthe Soviet Union is at best equivocal and who often shownno hesitation at working with Soviet-controlled front groupsnand known Communists.nSuch campaigns are neither largely composed of nor lednby card-carrying Communists, nor do they enjoy successnbecause of Communist assistance. On the contrary, theirnfollowing and leadership consist precisely of persons whonregard themselves as liberals or roughly equivalent persuasions,nand they enjoy success because they are generallynwell-funded by establishment foundations, well-received bynestablishment media and political figures, and well-norganized and packaged by establishment intellectuals andnverbalists.nWhen such movements and their leaders and followersnworry as much about Soviet military programs as they donabout those of the United States and NATO, when theyndenounce “human rights violations” in Cuba and Angolanwith as much fervor as they do in El Salvador and SouthnAfrica, when they protest Afghanistan as strongly as Grenada,nand when they speak with as much hatred and fear ofnthe KGB as of the FBI and CIA, then I shall regard them asnthe “humanists,” “pacifists,” and “civil libertarians” thatnthey profess to be. Until that time—and I do not hold mynbreath—I shah believe that Joe McCarthy tore a mask fromnthe face of liberalism, and I shall regard the mainstream ofnits adherents under another label, which, even if notnprinted on a membership card, is more truthful and morenterrible.nAND THE KINDLY KGB HANDED OUTnHOT SOUP by Arnold BeichmannIt was now the beginning of the seventh year of thengenocidal invasion of Afghanistan. To many Americans itnappeared that the war would never end, not until the entirenpopulation of Afghanistan was either dead or in exile. SomenAmericans thought it was time to do something aboutnSoviet imperialism, especially since a good many of themnhad spent the entire summer and fall picketing the SouthnAfrican Embassy in Washington, daring arrest, while othersnwere denouncing President Reagan’s “Star Wars” and thenU.S. invasion of Grenada. Much earlier, they had been innthe forefront of protest against the war in Vietnam. Obviouslynsomething had to be done to balance the equation;npeople might criticize their moral credentials. After all,nthey had been cheering for a long time Bishop Tutu andnNelson Mandela but never a word about Andrei Sakharovnor Anatoli Shcharansky.nAnd so we saw on a cold, raw February afternoon, anmarch on the Soviet Embassy. It was headed by RichardnBarnet and Mort Halperin of the Institute for PolicynStudies. They were followed by William Kunstler, thenpeople’s attorney; Anthony Lewis and Tom Wicker of thenNew York Times, Richard Cohen of the Washington Post;nSenators Christopher Dodd, Lowell Weicker, and AlannCranston; Alexander Cockburn, the columnist; Victor Navaskynof The Nation; the Rev. William Sloane Coffin andnthe Brothers Berrigan; Mrs. Bella Abzug; Professor BertellnOilman, the New York University Marxist; Harvard HistorynProfessor John Womack and Harvard Law School ProfessornDuncan Kennedy. From overseas came Arthur Scargill, thenBritish miners’ boss; Giinter Grass, the German writer,naccompanied by Willy Brandt; Jack Lang and Regis Debray,nArnoldBeichman,aVisitingScholarattheHooverlnstitution,ndedicates this article to Bernard Levin, who inspired it.nnnSEPTEMBER 1986 / 21n