but dictated his daily observations andnhis activities, with suitable citations andnquotes, at the end of his working daynfor inclusion in his Alpha File. Personsnapt to meander intellectually would soonnfind the disparity between their assumptionsnand the evidence of reality too embarrassingnto examine, but the senatornfrom Arizona is what Francis W. Newmanncalled a “once-born.” He is one ofnthose fortunate persons who seems tonhave always had an intuitive harmonynwith the universe, an untroubled beliefnin God, and an unwavering allegiance tonclassic standards of honor, truth andnvirtue.nNeurotics disbelieve in the very existencenof the once-born: they suspectndeceit and pretense. But neurotics suspectneverything, dislike everything, andndisbelieve in even brief moments ofnhappiness. That is not to say that thenonce-born do not have flaws. As a generalnrule they are apt to disbelieve innthe reality of evil, being unable to seenany rational justification for it, and beingnunaware of the satisfactions it bringsnto its addicts.nSenator Goldwater was apparentlynsaved from this flaw of innocence bynintellectual honesty. He admired Eisenhower,nto whom he felt grateful forncreating the Republican tide that openednthe Senate to newcomers. But he wasndisappointed when Ike retained Roosevelt’snand Truman’s old upper bureaucracy,nand at the General’s indifferencento the need to restore a strong RepublicannParty to the political scene. True tonform, Goldwater told the General thesenopinions face to face, and Ike liked himnfor his candor, as well as for his goodnwill. Vice President Nixon was anothernmatter. Goldwater characterizes him asn”a cold man with great self-confidencenand a one-track mind centered on thenadvancement of Richard Nixon.” Fromnthis and other comments, it is clear thatnGoldwater respected Eisenhower andnhad affection for him, but found Nixonnhard to like.nHe knew them both very well, andnwas drawn into the U-2 affair, thenstruggles against the terroristic tacticsnof such huge unions as the UAW, andnother Eisenhower administration crises.nGoldwater also knew—and liked—JohnnF. Kennedy. From his description it isnclear that Kennedy’s drive for the presidencynwas masterminded, to a far greaternextent than the media ever disclosed tonthe nation, by old Joe Kennedy, thenclan patriarch, leader and moneybags.nThe campaign old Kennedy financednand that his sons conducted was—Goldwaternmakes clear—vicious, dirty andncorrupt.nL his was the first great instance innwhich the media reversed the truth andndistorted issues of great significance tonthe nation. Nixon, it will be recalled,nwas denounced as having conducted anmudslinging campaign against HelennGahagan Douglas on his first try fornoffice. His sin was to repeatedly tienMrs. Douglas to various left-wingngroups and causes—all of which werenquite true. Nevertheless, he was labeledna hatchet man for telling these truths,nand Kennedy—in contrast—was depictednas the brilliant author of Profilesnin Courage (a ghosted book), the HarvardnScholar, the Spirit of Youth. YetnKennedy’s attacks on Humphrey innWest Virginia were below the belt innany company, and his victory in thatnstate was so suspicious that Goldwaternhired a special investigator to determinenwhether illegalities were involved.nTo his surprise the investigatornbrought back proof in the form of 16nsigned affidavits with names, placesnand sums. The evidence was turnednover to Attorney General ‘WilliamnRogers, whose courage proved unequalnto the task. Rather than face the mightynKennedy machine, Rogers sat on thenevidence. Later, says Goldwater, therenwas evidence of widespread illegalitiesnin Illinois and Texas during the election.nIke was informed and he called onnRogers. Rogers said it was “too late”nto do anything, and Nixon later thoughtnit would “injure” the nation to makenan issue of the outcome. Goldwater isnnncrisp about this shrinking from confrontation.n”The sanctity of the ballot,”nhe says, “should take first consideration.”nAlthough some stories surfaced innthe media about this great theft of thenpresidency by political adventurers, thenmajority of the nation was inundatednwith media triumph over the defeat ofnthe hated Nixon. In the Senate, awarenthat Kennedy had deliberately and knowinglynmisrepresented the strength of thennation’s military versus the U.S.S.R.,nGoldwater watched with disgust as thenWhite House fumbled the Bay of Pigsnattempt to overthrow Castro. As a senator,nGoldwater was familiar with thenoriginal plan as well as with the backgroundnand rise of the Cuban dictator,nwho had benefited from the assistancenof the New York Times and liberalngroups throughout the U.S. and othernparts of the West. During the Cubannmissile crisis, Kennedy called Goldwaternto the White House to learn his views.nLater, said Goldwater, “This charmingnyoung man .. . lost his nerve, and conveyednto world communism its firstnoutpost in the Western Hemisphere.”nWithin a fairly short time, it wasnclear that Goldwater would contestnKennedy for the presidency. Both mennjoked about it, and shared a commonnability to oppose without hate. Goldwaterncould do that, and liked Kennedyn— but he did not respect him. WhennLyndon Johnson was forced—says Goldwater—tonrun as vice president, underna threat of having the sources of hisnfortune investigated, Goldwater sentnhim a letter he reproduced in this book.nIn part, it reads: “It is difficult to imaginena person like you running in a secondnspot to a weaker man …”nUntil Kennedy was assassinated,nGoldwater looked forward to the contest.nAfterward he says, “the bulletnthat killed John Kennedy also destroyednwhatever possibility there ever was forna Goldwater presidency.” The senator,nrecognizing the nation’s mood, decidednnot to run; Lyndon Johnson had inher-nwmmm^mXHnMay/Jttiicl980n