had uncovered evidence that Then was running an extensiverndrug operation from the Dominican Republic and was trainingrnyoung Dominicans to be his agents in New York City. Occhipintirnalso learned that Freddie Then had a former federalrnprosecutor on his payroll. According to Occhipinti’s source, thernformer official was using his influence to corrupt other federalrnprosecutors and was receiving cash and cocaine in return.rnBased on this information, Occhipinti organized a short-livedrninvestigation he called “Project Esquire.”rnFor the last seven months, devoid ofrnbadge and gun, not only has Joe Occhipintirnbattled to clear his name, but, as thernforemost expert on Third World ethnicrnorganized crime, he has attempted to makernhis files public in order to enlighten therncitizenry and law enforcement agents.rnOcchipinti took what he had learned to INS superiors andrnthen to U.S. Attorney David Lawrence, chief of the CriminalrnDivision, and to Deputv U.S. Attorney Jeh Johnson. Lawrencernstressed to Occhipinti that his information was “sensitive” andrnordered him not to discuss it with anyone. He arranged for federalrnprosecutors to interview Occhipinti’s informant and takerncustody of the evidence. However, Occhipinti was soon orderedrnto remove himself from the case and to terminate ProjectrnEsquire. When asked if he thought the project was shut downrnbecause it uncovered evidence about corruption in high places,rnOcchipinti responded, “No doubt about it.”rnBy late 1989, Project Bodega had become so effective as arnmultiagency task force involving the INS, DEA, U.S. Customs,rnand IRS that the Manhattan District Attorney’s office assignedrnthree full-time prosecutors, including John F. Kennedy,rnJr., to prosecute the criminals being brought to justice. Occhipintirnknew his efforts were succeeding when Dominicans attemptedrnto bribe him. But because they found him incorruptible,rnthey resorted to other, more subtle and deceitful,rnmethods to destroy him.rnThe arrest of 62 illegals and 39 others through ProjectrnBodega led to several important convictions and numerousrninvestigations by other law enforcement agencies. The effortrnalso led to the seizure of drugs, weapons, illegal gamblingrnmaterials, and counterfeit government documents. Occhipinti’srnefforts with Project Bodega, as well as with Project Interceptrnand the notorious Wells Fargo case, clearly hurt the Dominicanrndrug operations, but he had also ruffled the feathersrnof some influential political figures in the process. Enter arngroup known as the Federation of Dominican Merchants andrnIndustrialists of New York. In March 1990, members of thisrngroup—which Occhipinti says is nothing more than a front forrnDominican organized crime—appealed to the New York Cityrnmayor’s office for help. Occhipinti was unjustly targeting thernDominican community, it said. The “federation” even organizedrna protest on the steps of City Hall.rnEver ready to cater to one of the city’s largest constituencies.rnMayor David Dinkins issued a statement criticizing the INS forrnpermitting Project Bodega and claiming it was a “Republicanbackedrnconspiracy” to sabotage the census. According tornDinkins, Project Bodega was making residents fearful of anyrngovernment official, even census takers. This would lead to arndecreased head count and subsequent loss for the city of federalrnfunding and congressional representation.rnDinkins’ histrionics achieved the desired result. The INSrnwas inundated with complaints from citizens, census officials,rnother public officials, and area congressmen. Intimidated byrnthe staged outcry, Occhipinti’s superiors at INS headquartersrnin Washington immediately shut down Project Bodega. Moreover,rnDinkins publicly demanded an investigation of allegedrncivil rights violations perpetrated by Occhipinti, and Dinkinsrnand the Dominican leaders got their wish. In March 1991, Occhipintirnwas indicted by a federal grand jury for alleged federalrncivil rights violations.rnIt should also be noted that, during Project Bodega, Occhipintirnuncovered evidence of widespread voter fraud. His evidencernshowed that the “federation” had registered aliens enrnmasse under false identities or with forged documents. Dinkinsrnwon the election by a mere 30,000 votes out of 1.78 millionrnthat were cast.rnJoe Occhipinti had an agenda—to enforce the laws of thernUnited States to the best of his ability. David Dinkins also hadrnan agenda, one that continues today. As Dinkins screamed atrnhis opponent, Rudy Giuliani, upon a chance meeting in July,rn”Hey Rudy, why don’t you go up to Washington Heights andrnexplain to the folks about your pal, Occhipinti?”rnAnyone who thinks that Joe Occhipinti’s case is one in a millionrnshould consider the Washington Heights drug riot of Julyrn3, 1992. It was sparked when Officer Michael O’Keefe was attackedrnby a gun-wielding fugitive named Jose “Kiko” Garcia.rnO’Keefe drew his weapon and killed Garcia in order to save hisrnown life. As if on cue, numerous “witnesses” came forward torncondemn O’Keefe as a “corrupt rogue cop” who had killed anrninnocent youth. Rioting to protest the policeman’s actionsrnthen broke out in the area.rnEspecially anxious to quell the riots because New York wasrnabout to host the Democratic Convention, Mayor Dinkinsrnpandered to the rioters. He visited the “bereaved” familyrnwhile saying nothing to the traumatized policeman. He wentrnso far as to arrange for Carcia’s funeral in the Dominican Republicrnand to provide his entire family—all of them illegalrnaliens—with round-trip airiine tickets paid for by New YorkrnCity taxpayers. Were it not for a handful of reporters from thernNeu’ York Post, a few diligent detectives, and Phil Caruso of thernPatrolmen’s Benevolent Association—who demonstrated thatrnall of the “eyewitnesses” to the deadly encounter had perjuredrnthemselves at the behest of the drug lords—O’Keefernmight well be in a jail cell, “convicted” like Occhipinti.rnWashington Heights, known as “Dodge City,” is devoid ofrnany law, order, or civil authority. Like Camden, New Jersey, itrnis controlled by the drug lords, whose tentacles and contributionsrnpermeate New York City politics. On July 16, 1993,rnwhen a police cruiser accidentally collided with a drug courierrnon a motorcycle, the “residents” planned revenge. A false firernalarm was sent in, an ambush was set, and a fire truck and itsrnpersonnel were firebombed and set ablaze. Some residentsrncheered, some stared, but none offered help while the burnedrn26/CHRONICLESrnrnrn