4 I CHBONICLESnThe Yalta agreement to give awaynEastern Europe and Operation Keelhaul,nwhich forcibly “repatriated” Russiansnand non-Russians to Stalin’sntender mercies, were the end of a warnthat began as an effort to preserve thenfreedom of Poland. Much of the detailsnof the sell-out are known, butnmuch still remains hidden. Foremostnamong those who have attempted tondrag the subject out into the hght ofnday has been Count Nikolai Tolstoy,nwhose books Victims of Yalta andnStalin’s Secret War detail not onlynStalin’s massacres in Eastern Europenbut also the West’s complicity. In hisnmost recent book. The Minister andnthe Massacres, Count Tolstoy tracednresponsibility for the illegal repatriationn(and death) of hundreds of thousandsnof Eastern European anti-Communistsnall the way to Harold Macmillan.nTolstoy’s recent work has been denouncedn(without being refuted) innBritain, but last fall the United StatesnBusiness and Industrial Council EducationalnFoundation presented himnwith their first International FreedomnAward in a ceremony at the NationalnPress Club in Washington, DC. In hisnremarks, Count Tolstoy observed, “Wenall know about crimes committed bynthe Nazis and it’s quite right wenshould. But the numerically greaterncrimes committed by the Soviets remainnmore or less distant, or evennunknown, and unaccepted in thenWest. . . . It’s much nicer to forget thensufferings of the people who live behindnthe Iron Curtain in intolerablenconditions, who are totally at thenmercy of an inhuman and lawless regime.nIt’s horrible to keep having tonremember and to keep on your guard,nand be ready to fight against them.”nSpeaking of being on guard, thenU.S. Business and Industrial Councilnalso gained attention for opposing thenCULTURAL REVOLUTIONSnnomination of C. William Verity asnSecretary of Commerce. In his testimony.nCouncil President AnthonynHarrigan compared Verity withnArmand Hammer as a businessmann”closely associated with efforts to expandntrade with the Soviets . . . and toneliminate strategic and human rightsnconsiderations in making trade dealsnwith the Soviet regime.”nWhen a group of 20 top Yugoslavnintellectuals, artists, and academics recentlynsigned a manifesto calling forntrue parliamentary democracy in Yugoslavia,nMikhail Gorbachev mustnhave squirmed. So far, no Communistncountry has allowed its dissidents tondemand free elections and the abolitionnof one-party rule, as did the authorsnof the November 25, 1987, Belgradenmanifesto. Since Tito’s death inn1980, however, his squabbling successorsnhave not been able to match hisnunforgiving authority. Not for the lacknof trying (over 500 political arrests lastnyear), Yugoslav Communists are seeingnself-management move right out ofntheir hands, and they are not happy.nNor are the Soviets. Not contentnwith merely honing their intelligencennetwork (General Ivan Krajacic, recentlyndeceased personal friend ofnTito, and Josip Kopinic, another friendnand biographer, have never renouncedntheir KGB posts), Soviets are continuingnto publish articles on Yugoslavia innthe domestic, or “fraternal countries,”npages of their newspapers. More ominously,nYugoslav Communist luminariesnhave been repeatedly warned fromnMoscow to keep their grip or riskn”fraternal assistance.”nCommunist, one-party Yugoslavianhas always been regarded as a mavericknboth in the East and the West. MarshalnTito’s break with the USSR in 1948nnnconvinced many Western experts thatnYugoslavia could go it alone as a nonalignednCommunist state open to democraticninfluences. Americans were impressednby the apparent degree of freenenterprise and self-management in thenYugoslav economy. But to Gorbachevnand his predecessors, the 1948 disagreementnwas a family dispute. Afternclose to 40 years, the Yugoslav brandnof glasnost has led to nothing butneconomic ruin, political disintegration,nethnic strife, and increasing internationalnisolation.nAfter many years of petition-writing,ncriticism, and countercriticism in semiofficialnand official press, arrests forn”hostile propaganda,” and numerousnworkers’ strikes (hundreds alone inn1987), Yugoslav intellectual leadershipnhas finally given voice to the mutteringsnof its people. Dobrica Cosic, Yugoslavia’sngreatest living novelist. Dr.nKosta Cavoski, constitutional expertnand human rights lawyer. Dr. MihajlonMarkovic, internationally acclaimednMarxist theoretician. Dr. Gojko Nikolis,none-time Tito general, and othersnhave embarked on a course ofndemocratic dissent more far reachingnthan anything in pre-1968 Czechoslovakia,nSolidarity Poland, Kadar’s Hungary,nor Gorbachev’s Soviet Union. Innaddition, there is growing public sentimentnfor some kind of affiliation withnthe “bourgeois” West. For example,nSlovenia and Croatia, two Yugoslavnrepublics, have joined the Alpe-Adria,na Central European movement nostalgicnfor old Austro-Hungarian civic culture.nMost Yugoslavs would have nothingnagainst joining the CommonnMarket.nUnfortunately, the U.S. State Departmentnis acting as if nothing hasnchanged in Yugoslavia since 1943,nwhen General Mihajlovic, the firstnanti-Nazi guerrilla in Europe, wasn