wide latitude over Congress. It takes ava from Congress thernright to control the purse strings.rnAlso part of the Contract With America was term limitsrnfor Congress. This would represent a severe diminution ofrncongressional power with respect to the prcsidenc. After all,rnit would not mean term limits for the permanent bureaucracvrnor for federal judges, but onlv for the one branch the peoplerncan actually control. Thank goodness the self-interest ofrnthe politicians themselves prevented it from coming intornbeing.rnAfter that initial burst of energy. Congress surrendered evervthingrnto the Clinton White House: control of the budget,rncontrol of foreign affairs, and control of the Federal Reserve andrnthe FBI. The Justice Department operates practically withoutrnoversight, as does the Treasurv, HUD, Transportation, Commerce,rnthe EPA, the SEC, the FTC, and the FDA.rnCongress has given in on point after point, eventualK’ evenrngranting the presidency most of what it demanded in healthcarernreform, including mandated equal coverage of the mentallyrnill. Chalk it up to long-term planning. The’ came into officernpledging to curb government, but are as infatuated with thernpresidency as Clinton himself. After all, they hope their partyrnwill regain the office.rnThen the Republicans had the audacit- to ask in bewilderment:rnWhy did the President beat Dole? What did we dornwrong? The real question is what have they done right? JamesrnBurnham said that the legislature is useless unless it is curbingrnthe presidency. B’ that measure, this Congress has been worthless.rnIt deserves to lose its majority. And its party deserves tornlose the presidency, whose powers they are so anxious to grabrnfor themselves.rnThe best moments in the 104th Congress were when a fewrnfreshmen talked quietly of impeachment. Indeed, it is their responsibilit}’rnto talk loudh’, openly, and constantly of impeachment.rnToday’s presidencv is by definition in violation of thernConstitution. Tilk of impeachment ought to become routine.rnSo should ridicule and humiliation. For if we care about liberty,rnour plebiscitary dictatorship must be reined in or tossed out.rnJohn Randolph had only been a senator for a few days whenrnhe gave an extraordinary speech denouncing John QuincyrnAdams. “It is mv duty,” said Randolph, “to leave nothing undonernthat I may lawfully do, to pull down this administration.rn. . . They who, from indifference, or with their eyes open, persistrnin hugging the traitor to their bosom, deserve to be insultedrn… deserve to be slaves, with no other music to soothe them butrnthe clank of the chains which they have put on themselvesrnand given to their offspring.”rnJohn Randolph said this in 1826. This was a time, writesrnTocqueville, when the presidency was almost invisible. If werncannot say this and more today, when the presidency is dictatorrnto the world, we are not authentic conservati’es. Indeed, we arernnot free men. crnCONCERNING IMMIGRATION.rna T rn;rnlie presence in this volume of California’s Governor Pete Wilson, easilyrnreelected since his essay ‘Citizenship and Immigration’ first appeared inrnChronicles’ November 1993 issue, is only one reason Chronicles’ editors canrnfairly say: you read it here first.”rn—Peter Brimelow,rnForbesrnA publication ofrnThe Rockford Institutern232 pp., paper, $14.95 List Pricern(plus $2.50 for stripping & handling)rnTo order by credit card, call:rn1-800-397-8160rnOr send check or money order in the amount ofrn$17.45 ($14.95 + $2.50 shipping & handling) tornChronicles, P.O. Box 800, Mt. Morris, IL 61054rnPlease list on payment or mention when ordering:rnSOURCE CODE: SC958, and ITEM CODE: MGRTrn32/CHRONICLESrnrnrn