FOREIGN AFFAIRS dllOKHKBiWrn^MSKF PEPJBUKErnThe Other Sidernof Peacernby Russell Gordonrn”Uzivajte u ratu, uzivajte,rnO braco moja i vojnici,rnjer mir ce’ hiti gori…”rn(“Enjoy war, enjoy,rnOh my brothers and soldiers,rnbecause peace will be worse . ..”)rn—An old Serbian war songrnThere is a belief among the peoplesrnof the Balkans that war on thernpeninsula is cyclical and inevitable.rnPeace has been the exception at thisrncrossroads of foreign interests, and thernpresent hiatns will end — soon —if therncurrent “peace process” continues.rnJust as the internal administrativernboundaries of the former Yugoslav staterncontributed to the current conflict, thernpresent internationally delineatedrnboundary of Bosnia perpetuates destabilization.rnThe Serbs of Bosnia have a culturalrnidentitv’ but lack the statehood theyrnsought through war. The Muslims haverna state but are searching for an identity,rnwavering between Islamic fundamentalismrnand a homogeneous Bosnian nationalism.rnThe collective memory of thisrnnew state includes some interesting historicalrnrevisionism and unusual claims tornthe diverse nature of the Yugoslav federationrnfrom which they fought to secede.rnPeace is not merely the absencernof war. As Balkan observer GeneralrnCharles G. Boyd cautioned, “We have tornsee things as they are, not as we wishrnthem to be.” For example, the seeminglyrnneutral and logical terms of the DaytonrnAccords for the return of refugeesrnhave been used selectively as a tool forrnincreasing regional influence, notablyrnof the Muslims. The strategic town ofrnBrcko, in the narrow Posavina corridorrnwhich links the two parts of the BosnianrnSerb Republic, is a prime example.rnNATO officials discovered that the Muslimsrnreturning in 1996 were in realityrnarmed forward units of the BosnianrnMulticultural, indeed: With most Serbs expelled, the new neighbors move in to Marshal TitornStreet in Sarajevo.rnArmy. The Sarajevo regime has usedrnthis tactic in other locations too. It hasrneven relocated refugees in desperate conditionsrnto create a humanitarian crisis asrngrounds for military action against disarmedrnSerbs.rnThe return of refugees has also beenrnlimited by mandate. While the Serbs arernberated for not allowing Muslims andrnCroats to return to their former homes inrneastern and northwestern Bosnia, no provisionrnis made for the more than 600,000rnSerbs expelled from what Croatiarnclaimed as its sovereign territory. (ThernState Department’s press statementsrnreach almost comical proportions, lambastingrnthe Serbs for not allowing Muslimsrnto return to homes that no longerrnexist.) Nor are Serbs allowed to return tornanv of the towns in Bosnia of which theyrnonce were sizable and often majorityrnconstituents. Many of the Serbs fromrnthese areas, as well as those from Croatia,rninhabit the housing that the Sarajeornregime desires. Unfortunately, thernethnographies of this region havernchanged, and the current approach willrnonly heighten tensions. The policvrnseems to be a stepping-stone towards thernexpulsion of the remaining Serbs and therncreation of a Muslim-led state.rnMuch as the suffering of wartimernSarajevo was manipulated as a tool torngain foreign support (or militar)’ aid), thernappearance of diversity and tolerance isrnused to claim moral authority. On allrnsides, there are those who are willing tornswear allegiance to the Bosnian “state.”rnThe reasons include a reluctance tornabandon homes, provincial rather thanrnethnic loyalties, intermarriage (some 20rnpercent of the populace), and commonrnexperience, such as Serbs in Sarajevornsuffering under Serb shelling. Serbia —rnunlike the now homogenous Croatia —isrnby far the most tolerant of the former republics,rnwith large communities ofrnCroats, Muslims, Albanians, Gypsies,rnand other ethnicities, while Sarajevo isrnarguably the most tolerant area inrnBosnia, owing largely to its cosmopolitanrnnature rather than that of the regime.rnLike other regions in Bosnia, tolerance ofrnminority populations exists when thernmajorit}’ of them have been expelled.rnThe war atrocities in the Balkans werernindeed horrific. But as U.N. investigationsrn(such as the reports on Croatian assaultsrnagainst Serb areas) have revealed,rnthis cruelty was committed bv all parties.rnOne member of the international teamsrninvestigating mass graves in Bosnia estimatedrntheir number at around 800, containingrnroughly 65 percent Muslims, 30rnpercent Serbs, and five percent Croats.rnNoticeably absent were NATO-led exhumationsrnin the Krajina region wherernthe percentage of Serb fatalities was disproportionatelyrnhigher. Yet even if thesernfigures are accepted at face value, thernfiague Tribunal’s indictments are appliedrnwith weighted measure: Serb MilanrnMartic is indicted for rocketing Zagrebrnand killing a half dozen people,rnwhile Croat Tomislav Mercep (whosernspecial units butchered Serb civilians)rnwas awarded a medal and appointedrnMayor of Vukovar. The duplicit’ is sornMARCH 1998/47rnrnrn