their children’s lessons.rnOn June 2, 2000, the judge handedrndown a precedent-setting decision in thernSalazar case. She determined that thernpsychiatric examination of Daniel was invalidrnsince it was not conducted bv arnmedical doctor, which is illegal underrnstate law. She agreed that the parents hadrnbeen misled as to the nature of the “specialrnclass” in which the youngster hadrnbeen placed and ordered him to be returnedrnto a normal educational setting.rnApparently, the judge saw through thernthinly veiled attempts to intimidate thernSalazars into drugging Daniel, as well asrnthe efforts to keep expert witnesses for thernparents from testifying in court. SincernMay, when the judge ordered Danielrnplaced in regidar classes on an ad hoc basisrnbefore the final decision, his behaviorrnhas completely turned around.rnDaniel will vmderstand eventually, ifrnhe doesn’t already, that he was a pawn;rnanother victim of an educational systemrnthat calls itself “child-centered” but is actuallyrncentered on money and politics.rnIn the 1950’s, behavioral eugenicist PaulrnPopenoe of the American Eugenics Societyrn(later renamed “the Society for thernStudy of Social Biology”) declared thatrn”the educational system should be arnsieve, through which all the children of arncountr)’ are passed. . . . It is highly desirablernthat no child escape inspection.”rnThe landmark, federally subsidized BehavioralrnScience Teacher EducationrnProject (BSTEP), launched in 1969 atrnMichigan State Universitv’, set this nationrnon the course described by Popenoe.rnBSTEP changed education from a ticketrnto self-determination to a managementrntool of the state.rnToday’s “humanized” educational environmentrnis short on transmission ofrnknowledge and long on market research,rnhuman experimentation, and psychobabble.rnExperts with behavioral-science degrees,rnnot education credentials, arernmerging psycholog}- with computer technolog}’rn—and, in so doing, they are deliveringrnthe Holy Grail of social engineering.rnNo child today dare march to the beatrnof a different drummer. The sexpots andrnstuds of the 1960’s who thumbed theirrnnoses at the rules, called police “pigs,”rnand mocked traditional standards ofrnmorality are now hell-bent on micromanagingrnevery facet of people’s lives.rnThey dot ever)’ “i” and cross everv’ “t,” butrnthey never rethink their ultimate objective.rnThey know that the perfect crime isrnnot getting away with something even afterrnone is caught red-handed; the perfectrncrime is the one that nobody knows hasrnbeen committed. In education, this hasrnmeant launching an army of misguidedrneducators cum social workers to examinerneverv’thing from our opinions to our medicalrnrecords and bank accounts. All thernEinsteins who ever flunked algebra, allrnthe Beethovens who ever composedrnwithout hearing, all the mavericks whornsomehow catapidted civilization thousandsrnof years beyond where it wouldrnhave been —to the asylum with them.rnGentiy, if possible. Kicking and screaming,rnif necessan,’. Resistance is futile.rnOr is it? The Salazars’ case mightrnteach us a thing or two about the virtuesrnof resistance.rnB.K. Eakman, a former teacher turnedrnspeechwriter, is executive director of thernNational Education Consortium and thernauthor of Cloning of the AmericanrnMind: Eradicating Moralih’ ThroughrnEducation (Huntington House).rnHISTORYrnJesse Jackson, Jr.,rnRefights thernCivil Warrnby Sean M. SalairnThe skirmish at Monocacy, “the battlernthat sa’ed Washington,” stalledrnJubal Early’s rebel army of 15,000 menrnjust 55 miles from the nation’s capital inrn1864. Since the site in Frederick, Maryland,rnbecame a National Battlefield ninernyears ago, visitors have been remindedrnhov’ Gen. Lew Wallace’s vasti’ ouhiumberedrnmen desperately bought time forrnreinforcements, repulsing the last majorrnConfederate invasion of the Civil War.rnNow, however, the young park is adoptingrna new focus.rn”We are researching the slaves whornwere there,” Cathy Becler, the park’srnchief of interpretation, explains. “We’rerntaking a more holistic approach to interpretingrnthe battle, and are planning tornhold a seminar on slavery in conjunctionrnwith Antietam next March.”rnThis more “holistic” approach is becomingrncommon at the nation’s battlefields,rnthanks to Jesse Jackson, Jr. LastrnNovember, the congressman from Chicagorninserted language into the FY-2000rnInterior Appropriations Bill requiringrnthat all federally funded Civil War battlefieldsrnaddress the issue of slavery.rnAs Jackson sees it, some battlefields arern”missing vital information about the rolernthat the institution of slavery played inrncausing the Civil War.” His provision directsrnthe secretary of the interiorrnto encourage the National ParkrnService managers of Civil War battiernsites to recognize and include inrnall of their public displays. . . thernunique role that the institution ofrnslavery played in causing the CivilrnWar and its role, if any, at the individualrnbattle sites.rnJackson’s attempt to legislate historicalrninterpretation has outraged a lot of people,rnand not just neo-Confederates.rnLeaders of the Civil War Round TablernAssociates —one of a burgeoning numberrnof groups representing 25,000 amateurrnand professional historians nationwidern— have vigorously protested the newrnPark Service guidelines. They point outrnthat the majority of people don’t go tornGctt)-sburg or Antietam to learn aboutrnthe causes of the war; they’re interested inrnthe bati:le.rnRobert W. Meinhard, professor emeritusrnof history at Winona State Universit-rnin Minnesota and a self-described liberal,rnis among the most vocal opponents.rn”The battle is why the battlefield park existsrnand that is why people come,” he argues.rn”The precious few minutes availablernfor interpretation must be devoted tornthe battle. . . . I woidd like to see a newrnpark devoted to teaching about slaer’ asrnthe cause of the war, which I feel is er’rnimportant. But not on battlefields. Beingrna teacher for many years, I know that yournsimply can’t have split objectives and coverrnboth adequately.”rnAnother point man in the opposition isrnJerry L. Russell, a Little Rock-based politicalrnconsidtant who runs both the RoundrnTable Associates and HERITAGEPAC,rna political action committee devoted tornbattlefield presen’ation. He also believesrnthat the addition of a socioeconomic focusrnto the 15-20 minute battlefield instructionalrnprograms detracts from thernbattles themselves. “Clearly not,” ParkrnService chief historian Dwight Pitcaithlyrnassured Russell in correspondence. “Thern42/CHRONICLESrnrnrn