civilian rule until 1971, when it becamerna one-partv state. It is the largest countryrnin Africa, and racial and ethnic tensionsrnhave weakened the already poor economyrnand created poor health conditions.rnAlthough Islam is the dominant religion,rnrecent statistics indicate a growing populationrn(currently 20 percent) of Sudanesernwho claim to be Christian.rnThrough dress codes, required studyrnof the Koran, and educational discriminationrnagainst non-Arabic-speaking students.rnIslamic fundamentalists in the NationalrnIslamic Front are advancing therncause of a wholly Islamic nation-staternthrough the schools, colleges, and localrngovernments. The Sudanese governmentrndenies this, claiming that a tolerancernof Christianity and other faiths existsrnat all levels of government and ofrnSudanese society.rnThe Sudanese constitution of 1986rnpromises that “all persons shall enjoy thernfreedom of faith and the right to performrnreligious rites within the limits of moralit)’,rnpublic order, and health as requiredrnby law,” but the application of Shari’arn(Islamic law) to all Sudanese peoplernrenders this provision empty. The 1991rnCriminal Act, which incorporatedrnShari’a into the criminal law of Sudan,rnmade apostasy by Muslims punishablernby death.rnThe Sudanese government also suppressesrnreligious liberti.’ by denying permitsrnto build nev^’ churches (none havernbeen built in northern Sudan since thern1970’s), and by imposing burdensomernrec[uirements and licenses on missionaryrngroups as well as requiring hard-to-obtainrnwork permits of foreign missionaries.rnThe government forcibly indoctrinatesrnmilitary trainees, pressures prisoners tornconvert, and has allegedly withheld food,rnservices, and humanitarian aid to non-rnMuslims who do not convert. Thernnorthern Sudanese also use culturalrncleansing to justify the enslavement ofrnthe black Christian popidation that livesrnin southern Sudan. Most recently, twornRoman Catholic priests were prosecutedrnby the Sudanese Military Tribunal underrnfabricated charges of “mastermindingrna plot to bomb electrical installations”rnin the capital of Khartoum.rnNigeria, too, is religiously polarized,rndespite a history of constitutionally protectedrnreligious liberty. (Both the 1979rnand 1989 constitutions contain provisionsrnallowing for freedom of belief,rnpractice, and religious education.) Tensionsrnbetween Christians and Muslimsrnare strong. During Nigeria’s early histor’,rnauthor Ahanotu reports, “the colonialrnstate of Nigeria created an environmentrnthat marginalized religion in the politicalrnprocess. This process continued withrnthe emergence of the independent staternof Nigeria.” However, the cultural differences,rnresulting from religious ones,rnsoon led to conflict as Muslims who feltrndiscriminated against, both legally andrneconomically, revolted. Civil war brokernout in 1966, partly due to the strife betweenrnthe predominantly MuslimrnHausas and the predominantly ChristianrnIbos. Since 1978, violence betweenrnMuslims and Christians has led to therndeaths of thousands.rnAlthough many believe Nigeria has arnMuslim majority, the government, fearfulrnof reviving religious tensions, has notrntaken a census for over 20 years. It is estimatedrnthat 48 percent of Nigerians practicernIslam; 17 percent, Roman Catholicism;rn17 percent. Protestantism; and 18rnpercent, animism and other faiths.rnA major point of contention betweenrnMuslims and Christians concerns thernIslamic law courts. Both the 1960 andrn1963 constitutions allowed Shari’arncourts at the state level, but did not includernthem in the federal system. Inrn1978, a Constitutional Assembly allowedrnShari’a courts of appeal for the states, butrnagain did not incorporate Shari’a courtsrninto the federal system.rnThough Nigerian law forbids discriminationrnon the basis of religion, this hasrnnot prevented violence. In Septemberrn1994, Muslim youths in Potiskum attackedrnchurches with firearms, machetes,rnknives, and stones, leaving ninernchurches burned. The Christian Alliancernof Nigeria reported that the incidentrnwas “part of the grand Muslimrndesign to eradicate and wipe out Christianityrnin the northern [Nigerian] states.”rnThe threat of further violence has causedrnboth Christians and Muslims to formrnvigilante groups in some northern partsrnof Nigeria. In an indication of continuingrnpersecution of Christians, 13 Christiansrnin Edo, in southwestern Nigeria,rnwere recently arrested for “disturbingrnother tiaders with their public prayers.”rnAs the current situation in all three ofrnthese countries shows, Africa is undergoingrna major transformation. Thoughrnmultitudes gather for Christian services,rnthough spiritual revival has been goingrnon for decades, and though half the continentrnclaims to be Christian, the Islamicrninfluence is strong in Mrica, and Muslimsrnare already a majority in 17 countriesrn—over a third of the continent.rnIt is important to note that some Muslim-rndominated governments in Africa, inrnspite of strong religious influence, are activelyrnfighting to preserve a more secularizedrnstate and to resist the influence ofrnfundamentalist Muslim movements.rnBut freedom and liberty of consciencernon the continent will largely depend onrnwhether Egypt and other countiies withrnsimilar conditions continue to standrnstrong in favor of a more secularizedrnstate, whether the Muslim North orrnthe Christian South wins the war in Sudanrn(or what kind of compromise isrnachieved), and whether countries suchrnas Nigeria stand for liberty for all or givernup in the face of totalitarianism. SouthrnAfrica, by far the most prosperous countryrnin Africa, is also a major battlegroundrnwhere the fate of religious freedom inrnAfrica could be decided.rnOne thing is certain: As Islam imposesrnShari’a law on parts of Africa, it not onlyrncurtails the rights of non-Muslims but alsorntakes away the liberty of conscience ofrnMuslims themselves, who are no longerrnable to make up their own minds, tornchange their religion, to choose what tornbelieve—to exercise their rights as freerncitizens. Such a trend does not offer arnpromising future to an otherwise potentiallyrnrich and prosperous continent.rnPedro C. Moreno, an attorney andrnmtemational coordinator with thernRutherford Institute, is the editor of thernHandbook on Religious Liberty Aroundrnthe World.rnLIBERAL ARTSrnHOPE SPRINGS ETERNALrn^^ A ^ ° ‘ ” ‘ ‘ ” Determined is the his-rn/ i t o r y of a close-knit lesbianrncommunity and the consequences ofrncrises upon that community…. It exploresrnwomen’s relationships, particularlyrnhow they tend to hold eachrnother to impossibly high standardsrnand the subsequent disappointmentrnand anger directed toward thosernwomen who fail to meet others’ expectations.rnUltimately, this is a storyrnof hope. . ..”rn—from promotional material forrnA Woman Determinedrn(Spinsters M, 1998)rnFEBRUARY 1999/43rnrnrn