ference and, by implication, superioritynof the 1930 to 1955 group is overrated.nFor example, members of the generationnof 1905 to 1930 “were shaped” in a timenthat included World War I, Einstein’sngeneral theory of relativity, the Bolsheviknrevolution, Prohibition, Ulysses,nLindbergh’s solo flight across the Atlantic,nand the collapse of the U.S. stocknexchange. So what’s new.^nDescribing his group, Broder stressesnthat, “The shaping experiences for thisnnext generation of American leadersnwere the civil-rights struggle and thenwar in Vietnam—or more precisely, theneffort to end the war in Vietnam.” ThenWatergate affair also has had a tremendousnimpact on the new guard; thenwords Vietnam and Watergate are yokedntogether throughout the book by numerousnspeakers (according to the index,nWatergate is cited 29 times, Vietnamn39). What this ultimately means is thatnthere are entire groups that feel guiltynabout what they construe as Americannmilitary and political mortal sins, groupsnwhich will keep harping about one ornboth sins ad nauseam, I suspect in ordernto purge the body politic with their verbalnemetics.nCharacterizing those he interviewed,nBroder says that they are “highly regardednby their peers” and also by thosenwho pass his “personal test as beingnsomething other than pompous aSses,nyoung fogies or overly precocious pups.”nThe third interviewee—following his fathernand sister—is Jerry Brown. Curious.nBrown, who sounds more like CarlnSagan than any politician in this cosmos,nis one of the most well-known and powerfulnmen included in the book. Althoughnthe 1980 election results maynprove difficult for Brown to assimilate,nhe has a certain vacuity—as characterizednby his flip-flop on Proposition 13 innCalifornia—which should result in hisnresurfacing in 1984. If most of thenothers described in the book retain theirnbases of power (excluding the NewnRight and corporate-interest supporters),nthen Brown is a natural.nBroder separates the new guard intonseven groups: the organizers; NewnRight; labor and business; public-interestnlawyers and reformers; women; Hispanics;nand blacks. Geographical areasnare singled out as “frontiers”—placesnwhere political power can be found.nThey are: suburbia, the West, the Southnand television (I propose that this lastnfrontier area be considered Neverneverland).nThe new pollsters, those whoncompletely failed to predict the Reagannvictory (and, I might add, who are notnunlike their brethren in 1948 andn1936), and the “New Pros,” those whonare professional political types (appointees,njournalists. Congressional staffnmembers, etc.—and when haven’t therenbeen such?), are also interviewed. Givennthe premise that most of the people innthe groups and geographical areas werenmolded by civil-rights and antiwar protests,nthen it is fairly obvious that theynare, for the most part, quite liberal. So,nafter excluding business, the New Rightnand loyalists of enlightened conservatism,nall one has to do is take the othernheadings, add the prefix pro, and voila!nthere’s Brown’s 1984 platform.nThat this could happen—if not withnBrown himself then with another of hisnilk—can be read into the reaction to then1980 Republican victory. Tom Hayden,nwho certainly has the credentials andnconnections to be a leader among thenIn the Mailnnew guard, sets forth his battle plan fornfighting back against “Ronald Reagan’snconservative army” in the Novembern14, 1980, Wall Street Journal. It’s annine-point program. Highlights include:nenergy conservation rather than then”mad scramble for synthetic fuels andnnuclear power plants”; economic decision-makingnperformed by corporations,nlabor, government and so-called publicninterest groups, which will replace planningn”from the top down, or simply innthe narrow interests of the corporations”;na “Spartan national security,” asnopposed to one which makes the U.S. “antiny fortress of gluttony preparing fornnuclear war with the Russians while 500nmillion people are starving to deathnaround the world”; and, the real concernsnthat are of the utmost importance:nan end to the promotion of the “massnconsumption of unhealthy foods” andnthe humanization of the office to “reducenstress.” Little of this makes sensento me, but Hayden finishes^his essaynwith the line: “The Democrats (or someonenelse) will return to national leadershipnwhen they are inspired again,” sonperhaps I require the laying on of handsnor the infusion of an inner light to dispelnmy confusion. What is clear, however,nis that the program is designed to giveneverybody something. All except for thengreedy corporations, which will un-nRent Control Myths & Realities edited by Walter Block and Edgar Olsen; ThenFraser Institute; Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. International evidence ofnthe effects of rent control in six countries, with essays by Milton Friedman and FriedrichnHayek among others.nPublic Sector Union Violence; Public Service Research Council; Vienna, Virginia.nA collection of clippings from 1974 through 1980 which deal with union violence.nCrime, Detective, Espionage, Mystery and Thriller Fiction & Film compiled bynDavid Skene Melvin and Ann Skene Melvin; Greenwood Press; Westport, Connecticut.nA comprehensive bibliography of critical writing through 1979, including overn1600 items from 25 countries, 16 national literatures and 18 languages, embracing anwide range of genres.nLos Angeles Times Op-Ed’s 1979-80; Hoover Institution; Stanford, California.nA collection of Op-Ed articles written by Hoover Institution Fellows including MiltonnFriedman, Edward Teller, Sidney Hook, Dixie Lee Ray and others from September 1, 1979nto August 31, 1980.nnn^•M^HM^SOnMarch/April 1981n