son. When these men thought of economicnmatters, they did so within thencontext of a political and social system.nThey took the flawed (that is, sinful)ncharacter of human nature for granted,nand attempted to establish ways to allownor encourage human improvement, evennif they could not assign a final goal to thatndevelopment themselves. The early theoristsnof democratic capitalism were notnprotolibertarians. Second, Novak looksnat America through foreign eyes. Thenidea of socialism is especially attractive tonAmerican intellectuals who are able tonmaintain a comfortable distance from actualnsocialist practice. In contrast, ournhomegrown intellectuals are likely tonoverlook the strengths of capitalism,nwhose defects they see firsthandnevery day.nAbroad, socialism is a god that failsncontinuously. From across the sea, othersncan see strengths in the American characternthat we seldom perceive. JacquesnMaritain’s Reflections on Americanobserved the strength of community thatnhad developed in the practices of thenAmerican people. Jean-Francois Revel,nmore recently, noticed that Europeansnwere constandy predicting that fascismnwas about to rise in America, as theynaverted their gaze from its developmentnin the Soviet Union. America’s experimentnwith democratic capitalism, innRevel’s view, had enabled a “revolutionnwithout Marx or Jesus.” The idea ofnrevolution, of course, is the dominantnidea of socialist mythology. In Marxiannterms, the socialist revolution would occurnwhen capitalism reached advancedndecay, and the new order of equality andnjustice would be built upon the mins ofnthe old. In practice, it never worked outnthat way. Where socialist revolutionsnhave occurred the old order was, indeed,ndestroyed, and only the ruins remain.nDemocratic capitalism, as institutednby the American founders, never laysnovert claim to the tide, “revolutionary,”nbut it adheres more pragmatically tonrevolutionary ideals. Where socialismnpromises instant and overwhelmingn8nChronicles of Calturenchange, capitalism promises nothing,nand allows the agents of change to worknthrough the marketplace in competitionnwith those who would continue the oldnorder. Over time, the economic systemndoes not change visibly with only commercialnfanfares as old products becomenobsolete and new products take theirnplace, changing the tastes and the characternof people as they change the goodsnand services that they consume. Similarly,nthe United States Constimtion lacksnthe flair and glory of the Declaration ofnIndependence, but the system that itnestablished has institutionalized revolutionnin the political sphere. Changencomes not as one climactic event, butngradually, over a series of elections; slowly,ninexorably, the old order gives way tonthe new. Change sweeps into office asnfirst one candidate, then others, withnnew ideas compete for the public mind.nOur revolution is continued through thenFlemingncontinuedfivm page 6nand discover the fiindamental points atnissue. The same praise can be extended tonhis most recent book—up to a point.nNovak sets out to prove that thensystem of democratic capitalism is notnonly the most moral social and politicalnsystem that has ever existed, but also thenone that is the most consistent withnChristianity. He scores his best points inncomparing democratic capitalism withnsocialism, and he deflates, once and fornall, the stubborn claim to high-mindednidealism which socialists—many in fullnretreat from the ugly experience of Marxism—continuento maintain. “If an idealndoesn’ t work, isn’ t that evidence that it isnout of touch with human reality? Isn’tnthat a sign that it is a false ideal ?” It is thenrealism of capitalism that makes it bothneffective and moral: it is rooted in oiunnature. The results of democratic capitalismnhave been an extension of materialnbenefits so broad that Western civilizationnhas “triumphed over envy.” Novaknnn”deliberate sense of the community” (asnThe Federalist put it) rather than at thenpoint of a gun. While maintaining continuity,nboth democracy and capitalismnwork for profound changes for peoplenwho live with the blessings of liberty.nSocialism has failed both as an ideal andnin practice. Understanding the way capitalismnshould work will require a renewednawareness of the capitalist ideal.nWe no longer judge the performance ofndemocracy by monarchic standards. Wenshould not evaluate capitalism by comparisonnwith a socialist “ideal” that is asnUtopian as Plato’s wish for a race ofnphilosophic monarchs.nNovak has done those who are tmlyninterested in understanding the moralnbasis of democratic capitalism a profoundnservice. This book deserves thencareful attention of those who want tonrenew their awareness of the moral potentialnof human liberty, nntakes up the claims of socialism one bynone and explodes them with the ease andnaccuracy of an experienced trapshooter.nHe condemns socialism for its failure tonkeep any of its promises and discovers innthe free choice of democratic capitalism anreflection of our Creator’s intention—nthat we should be free to choose. Mostndefenders of capitalism would rest contentnwith shooting down the socialist alternative,nnever realizing that there wasnonce a political philosophy which repudiatednboth capitalism and socialism.nNovak is far too learned to fall into thatntrap. Unlike many American conservatives,nthis disciple of Maritain is wellnaware that capitalism and democracy arenthe very essence of what used to be callednliberalism and that they were resistednevery inch of the way by the real conservatives—thendefenders of tradition, authority,nand good order: old EnglishnTories like Sir Robert Filmer, SamuelnJohnson, and Sir Walter Scott; RomannCatholics like Pope Pius DC and Josephnde Maistre; the political philosophers ofn